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Why 2014 was a game changer in Palestine

Dec 23,2014 - Last updated at Dec 23,2014

In terms of losses in human lives, 2014 was a horrific year for Palestinians, surpassing the horrors of both 2008 and 2009, when an Israeli war against the Gaza Strip killed and wounded thousands.

While some aspects of the conflict are stagnating between a corrupt, ineffectual Palestinian Authority (PA) and the criminality of Israeli wars and occupation, it would be fair to argue that 2014 was also a game changer to some degree — and it is not all bad news.

To an extent, 2014 was a year of clarity for those keen to understand the reality of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict but were sincerely confused by the contrasting narratives.

Here are some reasons that support the argument that things are changing. 

1. A different kind of Palestinian unity. Although the two leading Palestinian parties, Hamas and Fateh, agreed to a unity government in April, little has changed on the ground.

Yes, a government was officially established in June and held its first meeting in October. But Gaza is effectively still managed by Hamas, which has been largely left alone to manage the affairs of the strip after the Israeli war in July-August.

Perhaps Mahmoud Abbas’ authority is hoping that the massive destruction would weaken Hamas into political submission, especially as Egypt continues to seal shut the Rafah border crossing.

But while the factions are failing to unite, the Israeli war on Gaza has given a new impetus to the struggle in the West Bank.

Israeli plans of targeting holy sites in Jerusalem, particularly Al Aqsa Mosque, coupled with the deep anguish felt by most Palestinians over the massacres carried out by Israel in Gaza, are slowly reverberating, creating a wave of mini-uprisings.

Some speculate the situation will eventually lead to a massive Intifada that will engulf all the occupied territories. Whether a third Intifada takes place in 2015 or not is a different question. What matters is that the long-orchestrated plot to divide Palestinians is breaking apart and a new collective narrative of common struggle against occupation is finally forming. 

2. A new resistance paradigm. The debate regarding what form of resistance Palestinians should, or should not, adopt is being sidelined and settled, not by international do-gooders, but by Palestinians themselves.

They are opting to use whatever effective form of resistance they can to deter Israeli military advances, as resistance groups have actively done in Gaza.

Although Israel’s latest war killed nearly 2,200 and wounded over 11,000 Palestinians, mostly civilians, it has still failed to achieve any of its declared or implied objectives.

It was another reminder that sheer military strength is no longer the only overriding factor in Israel’s conduct towards Palestinians.

While Israel brutalised civilians, the resistance killed 70 Israelis, over 60 of them soldiers. This was also an important step testifying to the maturity of Palestinian resistance, which had targeted civilians during the second Intifada and reflected more desperation than a winning strategy.

The legitimisation of the resistance was, to a degree, reflected in the recent decision by the European court to remove Hamas from its list of terrorist organisations.

Resistance in the West Bank is taking on other forms. Although it is yet to mature into a steady campaign of anti-occupation activities, it seems to be forming an identity of its own that takes into account what is possible and what is practical.

The fact is that the one size fits all modes of resistance debate is becoming less relevant, giving way to an organic approach to resistance devised by Palestinians themselves. 

3. BDS normalises debate on Israeli crimes. Another form of resistance is crystalising in the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement (BDS), which continues to grow, gathering steam, supporters and constant achievements.

Not only was 2014 a year in which BDS managed to win the support of numerous civil society organisations, academicians, scientists, celebrities and to reach out to people from all walks of life, it did something else that is equally important: it normalised the debate on Israel in many circles around the world.

While any criticism of Israel used to be considered a taboo in yesteryears, now it is a normal occurence.

Questioning the morality and practicality of boycotting Israel is no longer a frightening subject, but is open for debate in numerous media outlets, universities and other fora.

2014 was a year that made the discussion of boycotting Israel more prevalent than ever before. While a critical mass is yet to be achieved in the US, the momentum is constantly building up, led by students, clergymen and women, celebrities and ordinary people.

In Europe, the movement has been hugely successful.

4. Parliaments are feeling the heat. While, traditionally, much of the southern hemisphere offered unconditional support to Palestinians, the West stood with Israel. 

Following the Oslo accords, a bewildering European position evolved, trying to find the “balance” between an occupied nation and the occupier.

At times, the European Union timidly criticised the Israeli occupation, while continuing to be one of Israel’s largest trade partner, providing weapons to the Israeli army, who then use them to carry out war crimes in Gaza and sustain its military occupation of the West Bank.

This debauched policy is being challenged by citizens of various European countries.

The Israeli summer war on Gaza exposed Israel’s human rights violations and war crimes like never before, revealing, along the way, EU hypocrisy.

To relieve some of the pressure, some EU countries appear to be taking stronger stances against Israel, reviewing their military cooperation and more boldly questioning the rightwing policies of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

A spate of parliamentary votes overwhelmingly came in favour of recognising Palestine as a state.

While these decisions remain largely symbolic, they represent an unmistakable shift in EU attitude towards Israel.

Netanyahu continues to criticise Europe’s “hypocrisy”, assured, perhaps, by Washington’s unconditional support. But with the US losing control over the turbulent Middle East, the Israeli prime minister might soon be forced to rethink his obstinate attitude.

5. Israel’s “democracy” exposed. For decades, Israel defined itself as both a democratic and a Jewish state. The objective was clear: to maintain Jewish superiority over Palestinian Arabs, while continuing to present itself as a modern Western democracy – in fact, the “only democracy in the Middle East”.

While Palestinians and many others never bought Israel’s democracy charade, many accepted it with little questioning.

While Israel does not have a constitution, it has a “code”, called the Basic Law. Since there is no Israeli equivalent to a “constitutional amendment” — the Netanyahu government is pushing for a new law in the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. This will basically put forth new principles under which Israel will define itself.

One of these principles will define Israel as “the national state of the Jewish people”, thus casting all non-Jewish citizens of Israel as lesser citizens.

While, for all intents and purposes, Palestinian citizens of Israel have been treated as outcast and discriminating against in many ways, the new Basic Law will be a constitutional confirmation of their state-enforced inferiority.

The democratic paradigm is dying for good, exposing Israel’s reality. 


The year ahead


2015 will certainly bring much of the same. The PA will fight for its existence and try to maintain its privileges, bestowed by Israel, the US and others by using every tool available; Israel will also remain emboldened by American funds and unconditional support and military backing.

Yes, the next year will also prove frustratingly familiar in that regard. But the new, real and opposing momentum is not likely to cease, challenging and exposing the Israeli occupation, on the one hand, and sidestepping the ineffectual, self-serving PA, on the other. 

2014 was a very painful year for Palestine, but also a year in which the collective resistance of the Palestinian people, and their supporters, proved too strong to bend or break. And in that, there can be much solace. 


The writer is an internationally syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author and the founder of His latest book is “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story” (Pluto Press, London). He contributed this article to The Jordan Times.

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